Entre Dos Naciones

(Between Two Nations)

In an article in Foreign Policy magazine last month, controversial Harvard scholar Samuel Huntington states that Latino immigration "threatens to divide the United States into two people, two cultures, and two languages." And that Mexicans as well as other Latinos have not successfully assimilated into mainstream American culture. He concludes the article by asserting, "There is no Americano Dream. There is only the American Dream created by an Anglo-Protestant society. Mexican-Americans will share in that dream and in that society only if they dream in English."

Critics of the article, derived from Huntington's upcoming book Who We Are (Simon and Schuster), were outraged. In a letter to the editors of Foreign Policy, Andrés Jiménez, director of the University of California's California Research Policy Center, wrote that the article was "misinformed, factually inaccurate, inflammatory, and potentially injurious to public policy because of its potential for being used as a further baseless rationalization for anti-immigrant and anti-Mexican politics."

But Huntington's views are not uncommon, and the issue of immigration has deeply divided the United States. Ironically, our "nation of immigrants" has a long and well-documented history of anti-immigrant sentiment. And no group is more aware of that in modern times than Hispanic and Latino, and especially, Mexican people who come to the U.S. with the goal of becoming American citizens themselves.

Who defines the "good American?"

Assimilation and the idea of the "good American" can mean very different things to different people. Both are tricky propositions though. Assimilation is a paradox, as it includes both a willingness to be integrated into a new culture by the immigrant and an invitation from American society to join.

Jose, a Mexican immigrant who came to the United States in 1987 to escape extreme poverty, works hard as a laborer to support his family, takes his children to school every day, attends church weekly, drives the speed limit and owns his own home. Because he was sponsored by his brother, who had become a citizen in the early 1970's (sponsorship is a citizenship requirement), Jose was able to become naturalized. But Jose is more comfortable speaking Spanish than English, which he does haltingly and with a thick accent. His children speak only Spanish at home, "out of respect." He also has very dark skin. Is he a "good American?"

Eighteen year-old Ely came to Milwaukee with her family in 1997 from Guanajato, Mexico to be reunited with family members who were already established here. Ely's older brothers had left their country years earlier to pursue career opportunities unavailable in their native land.

When Ely first arrived in Milwaukee, she spoke only Spanish. Her parents enrolled her in seventh grade at a bilingual school. In eleventh grade, Ely enrolled in a monolingual school and became class valedictorian (a 1982 law entitles all children, whether documented or not, to a free public education through twelfth grade.) But because she has not yet become a naturalized citizen – the process can take years – Ely is denied financial aid, and cannot claim the academic scholarships she has earned. Without citizenship, she must pay out-of-state tuition for college, which can cost more than twice as much as residents pay. For example, to attend UWM, she would have to pay nearly $13,000 a year more than her next door neighbor. But Ely attends classes at MATC, pays taxes, has volunteered as a translator at St. Luke's Emergency Room, is politically active and speaks English and Spanish fluently. Although by most standards she has successfully assimilated, she is not yet a naturalized citizen. Is she a "good American?"

History repeats... and repeats, and repeats.

Milwaukee's Hispanic community took root in the early twentieth century, but a historic lack of security and certainty regarding U.S. immigration policy might have discouraged a less determined people. Alternately, the U.S. has both welcomed and spurned Mexican immigrants – taking them in when cheap, reliable labor was needed and unceremoniously shipping them back across the border when they were no longer deemed useful.

Volatile political and economic conditions in Mexico, as well as an abundance of employment opportunities north of the border, brought a small group of refugees to Milwaukee in the early 1900's. Many Mexican immigrants who found their way to Milwaukee worked in tanneries, foundries and on the railroads alongside European immigrants.

Javier Tapia, Assistant Professor of Educational Policy and Community Studies in the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee School of Education, says there are cases, learned from oral history reports, of immigrants during this early period who were told they were being sent to work agricultural jobs in California, but instead were put on trains to Chicago and Milwaukee to act as strikebreakers. This earned Mexicans the animosity of European immigrants, whose jobs they threatened. Poverty, language difficulties and cultural differences contributed to increasing discrimination. Nevertheless, by 1930, over 1,700 Mexican Americans lived in Milwaukee.

With the onset of the Great Depression, a crushing shortage of jobs fueled increased anti-immigrant sentiments. In response, the United States and Mexico co-sponsored a repatriation program that returned thousands of workers and their families, many involuntarily, to Mexico. Nearly 400,000 Mexican nationals, many who had lived and worked in the States for more than ten years, along with their American-born children, were sent packing by 1939. Families were torn apart.

Not until the labor shortages of World War II did the United States reverse its policy toward Mexican workers, although Mexican Americans were allowed to serve as soldiers. An estimated 300,000 Mexican Americans served in the United States Armed Forces. Anecdotal reports indicate that draft notices were forwarded to some repatriated Mexicans in Mexico.

Under the 1942 Braceros Treaty signed with Mexico, braceros (contract day laborers) began legally returning to the United States in order to work. Braceros worked for low wages in less than humane conditions, but accepted the harsh conditions because they were unable to find jobs in Mexico. When the contracts expired, braceros were forced back across the border. Because the contracts called for standardized minimum wages and housing arrangements, many employers chose to circumvent the program and began hiring illegal immigrants, which were widely available. By 1964, the program was defunct.

In 1954, the U.S. took even greater measures to restrict the inflow of Mexican immigrants and curtail the growing Mexican American population. That year, the Immigration and Naturalization Service launched "Operation Wetback," a deportation campaign that returned more than 3.8 million people of Mexican descent to Mexico. Repeating history, families were once again broken up and American citizens were deported.

The next major wave of Mexican immigration began in the 1980's. In 1982, the Mexican government was forced to devalue the peso three times. The devaluation fueled inflation, which in turn led to high levels of unemployment and poverty, again stimulating migration to the United States. In 1986, the U.S. enacted the Immigration Reform and Control Act, to curb illegal immigration while offering legal status to many temporary workers. According to Tapia, once the immigrants became legal, mostly in Texas and California, they looked for opportunities outside those states, and eventually migrated to the Midwest, many settling in Milwaukee.

Their reception has been somewhat mixed. While most immigrants work hard, teach their children English and strive for the trappings of the American Dream, some still view them as "invaders" and "criminals" who steal jobs away from "real" Americans.

Ely and Jose both live in the Walker's Point neighborhood on the south side, home to the largest concentration of Latinos in the state. According to Census data, the Latino population has surged to nearly 72,000 documented residents in Milwaukee – a 106ncrease from 1990 to 2000. And the proportion of Latino residents to the overall population rose from 6o 12n that same time period. Although the Latino population includes new Mexican immigrants, Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and those from Central America, more than 30f all new immigrants to Milwaukee are from Mexico, according to a new study released by the Brookings Institution, entitled "The Rise of New Immigrant Gateways."

The Selig Center for Economic Growth reported in 2003 that "In sheer dollar power, Hispanics economic clout will rise from $222 billion in 1990 to $653 billion in 2003 and to $1,014.2 billion in 2008." In Wisconsin, the number increased from $784, 691 in 1990 to $3,588,463 in 2003 and is estimated to reach $6,355,823 in 2008. Hispanics also make up 10f the registered voters in the city of Milwaukee.

The assimilation question: Should, shouldn't, or who invited you?

Many experts agree that assimilation and integration can be very difficult for first generation immigrants. But they don't always agree on just why that is.

In a March 2000 article for the Brookings Institution, Peter Skerry, a professor at Boston College and Brookings senior fellow, asserts "Immigrant leaders and advocates claim that America is a racist society that will not allow 'people of color' to become part of the mainstream of American life. Alternatively, it is argued that the assimilation of such individuals into that mainstream is an insidious process that robs them of their history and self-esteem. No one ever bothers to explain how both claims can be true."

Jose has firsthand experience with the challenges of entering a new culture, but is determined to spare his children the same treatment. "I know that if I spoke better English, and didn't have an accent and wasn't so dark, I would have gotten better jobs. I work just as hard, harder maybe, than some of the white people. That is why I want my children to know English. You can't get ahead in America without it."

For Maria, a Puerto Rican immigrant, assimilation does not mean losing one's native language or values. "We never had assimilation issues in my family. We are very integrated. We all stuck together. We have a lot of pride in being Puerto Rican, so it didn't matter if people called us white or black or brown. Once, an Italian woman told me I could pass for Italian. She couldn't understand why I admitted to being Puerto Rican. I told her she could pass for Puerto Rican – she did not like that."

Then there's the 'Your kind aren't welcome here' factor. In response to President Bush's "guest worker" proposal for Mexican workers, Glen Spencer, founder of Voices of Citizens Together, a right wing conservative group, was quoted in an article published by WorldNetDaily.com as saying: "The legalization of Mexicans would ultimately create more than 10 million new voters – voters whose allegiance would be to Mexico, not the United States of America. If we fail to deport illegal Mexicans and instead grant them permanent residency, Mexico City will have more power over parts of our country than Washington, D.C., and we will lose our sovereignty."

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), which monitors hate crime activity, has reported a 20ncrease in the number of hate groups in recent years, with immigrants making up one of the most targeted groups. A report by SPLC describes anti-immigrant views as follows: "In the eyes of most of these groups, immigrants (typically, non-white) are responsible for nearly all the country's ills, from poverty and inner city decay to crime, urban sprawl, and environmental degradation. Many of them also believe there is a secret plot between the Mexican government and American Hispanics to wrest the Southwest away in order to create "Aztlan," a Hispanic nation. ("Blood on the Border," SPLC Intelligence Report, Spring 2001)

Jose believes discrimination against Latinos is deeply rooted in American society. "They (Anglo-Americans) think because I am Mexican, I am stupid or dirty or low class. This has been around for a long time. This is nothing new."

Ely says her mother prepared their family for the transition to a new country saying, "You may feel a little different in another peoples' land." But Ely said that even when she felt discriminated against, she was able to handle it because of "the strength of my family."

Maria thinks many Anglo-Americans lack an understanding of Latino culture, not because the Latino community is so insular, but simply "because they choose not to." She says, "Anglos can live next door to us, but do not take the time to learn about us. They think being ethnic means not being American. They do not know our hopes, desires or aspirations. They do not know that we have died in several American wars. When I visited the Vietnam Memorial in Washington D.C., I was astounded at the number of Latino names that were on that wall."

She adds, "But with all the problems and prejudices, my family is reaping the benefits of a nice living and a great culture. Isn't that assimilation?" Maria is quick to point out that her experience is a little different from the new wave of Mexican immigrants because as a Puerto Rican, she is an American citizen; she never had to worry about a green card or legal status or incur the stress of being deported or being denied services.

A cultural balancing act.

Ely says she is not in limbo between two countries, but rather an active member of both cultures, though she admits she must often perform a balancing act. "I have to balance everything. I do not want to lose my traditions, religion or family values. I will never give up being Mexican, that is where I was born, but I am here and must adjust to American culture.

"Keeping my Mexican traditions does not keep me from being American. I am grateful to America for the opportunities it has given me – the opportunity to be reunited with my family, to get an education, and to be involved in American culture and society, and for the ability to aid those in my community. I can make a difference here."

Sounds like a good American to me. VS

Much of the historical and background information in this article was gleaned from a number of experts, including Prof. Arturo Martinez of MATC, Dr. Javier Tapia of UWM, Dr. Joseph Rodriguez of UWM, Dr. Sam Betances, Candida Del Larosa, Dan Banda, and Rafael Fernandez. Thank you to all.